Mashada Blogs » Paza Sauti » The Kenyan and South African Violence

Typically, I would have kicked the door and come in blazing on how the South African xenophobic violence was backward, counter productive and (Yes, did I already say it) backward. I would have argued that a country with the history of South Africa should know better than classifying people and give free rein to wanton violence because these people were different. I would have chastised South African memory, reminding them that their liberation armies were hosted in the front line countries for decades and their leaders were housed in African capitals during these times of need, much to these states peril. I would have derogatorily called the government inaction hypocritical, and given free rein to my anger on this issue. But, being from a country where there was this same type of violence, but between its own citizens, kind of makes you hold your own tongue, climb down from your pedestal and think a little deeper.

Why is this happening? Why is it happening now? What can we do to prevent this? Is there anything we can do to prevent this? So here are my thoughts in a more introspective and less boisterous voice.

First and foremost, my thoughts are with the victims of the violence, the internally displaced and refugees living in the various camps in both countries. I completely reject violence as an option for resolving African problems. I believe we need to rely on constitutional and legal means as the only alternative for issue resolution, however, to understand the these outbreaks I first want to explore want is common among the Kenyan and South African violence. This article is in no way trying to excuse the abhorrent acts that were perpetrated on innocent individuals but seeks to understand why there was such fertile ground for these violent eruptions at this time.

The Promise of Politics
Unfortunately, in many instances, politics seems to be the last bastion of hope for the masses, and this perception is particularly intense where the histories have been tortured. Politicians exploit these histories peddling hope as though they controlled the destinies of all. Kenyans only have to remember the deposition of their despotic ruler by an unlikely coalition of unlikely characters triumphantly and successfully defying Moi's grip on power and that indomitable feeling that validates the fact you matter and have the power to change your destiny. After all we killed the dragon and things will be better. One can see Kenya in 2002, the excitement that the new political dispensation will provide a new life. This life is defined by concrete issues, not the amorphous 6% economic growth, but life in terms of rent, transport, milk, bread, flour, sugar, the basic necessities of life. The promise politics never delivered and cannot deliver. Though there was growth it was not felt by the masses and this anger and frustration was compounded with ethnic exclusions that appeared targeted. The culmination of this anger was when the elections, the only opportunity to change things, were stolen from the people, things went overboard. This is not unlike the South African experience. You can imagine seeing Madiba in his long walk to freedom lift his hands and shout Amanda!! leading the Sowetonites to better living conditions. Everyone says in this new political dispensation it will see a new day in my lifetime. The triumph, the joy, the feeling of empowerment, but once again, politics fails the people. Now, do not get me wrong. I am not disparaging the contribution of such powerhouses as Mandela and the noble example he set for all politicians. His contribution is immense and cannot be viewed lightly, however, people in disparate times place their hopes and aspirations in our representatives and even call them our leaders. This is a is an extremely tempting opportunity for politicians, who ply in the trade of persuasion. So the people's hopes and dreams cause the politician to morph into everyone's only answer to their condition and the politician peddles promises that they cannot keep and soon the stakes are personal No Raila No Peace or translated I would rather die because without Raila I am dead already.

The Fierce Challenge of Now

Barack Obama's claim to fame is what Martin Luther King Jr called the "the fierce urgency of now". Obama's call is for an immediate change in the coarse of the United States siting the pressures on the population from the raising food prices, the rising cost of transportation and petroleum products in the wealthiest nation on the planet. The primary concern for a majority of Americans is the a choice between using the SUV (large car) or the mid size car (smaller car), taking vacation this summer or staying at home and how trips to Europe are so expensive due to the falling dollar.
The developing world is facing tough times. Capitalism seems to have won the ideological struggle with socialism just in time for its ugly under belly to show, much to the disgust of the proletariat. As capitalism marches along, the wealthy all around the world are increasing in wealth while the poor have only had their lot get worst. Obama's concerns are very real, but their true impact is not in the land of the free but in the developing world. Food prices have more than doubled with cereal prices leading the way. Many of African communities especially in the East and the South of the continent have maize (corn) at the center of their diets, unlike the US where maize is primarily an animal feed it is a staple and primary source of nutrition for a majority of Africans. Therefore, the shortage partly created by the conversion of cereal use for bio-fuels, impacts the very day to day capacity of bread winners to put food on their tables. The expectations of the hopeful masses are dashed by forces that are larger than what the local politicians can control, yet the only hope out of this quagmire, to many, seems to be the false hope of politics and the lies peddled by political demagoguery. These challenges of existence significantly dash the expectations in both Kenyan and South African alike. The nature of these challenges places an urgency on a solution and that urgency fuels the violence for it demands action now. Unfortunately, often this desperation expresses itself in actions of violence on innocent scapegoats - the so-called outsider. One may argue that the violence had nothing to do with economics but rather community characteristics, I have heard that after all South Africa is one of the most violent societies, and the stereotypes of Nilotic aggressive traits abound in Kenya. However, it is interesting to note that none of the violent eruptions occurred in the more affluent communities in either country and a majority of the middle and upper income groups continue to this day with a business as usual mind set. Another notable phenomenon was that violence in South Africa was clearly African on African. The 'xenophobia' does not seem to extend to the British, American, Chinese or Japanese but rather only to the Zimbabwean, Zambian and Mozambicans living in South Africa. These I call the convenient scapegoats.

The convenient Scapegoat.
So who are these convenient scapegoats? This is a good question but, first let us identify the perpetrators who have aided and abated the mass disillusion. Kenya has an interesting history closely connected to its land. Shortly after the turn of the century European settlers invaded Kenya and other countries including South Africa, with the intent to to recreated the American or New Zealand model of occupation and subjugation . This model - where the British man decimates local population and retains a small labor force just sufficient to meet his needs but too small top provide active resistance to the occupation - fell in to disarray due to the costs of the two world wars that that the 'Empire' engaged in. The Central Highlands in Kenya had been significantly populated by British immigrants and significant displacement of Kikuyu into the Rift Valley much to the ire of the local. Then came independence, and the British government provided significant funds to right the land displacement but the Kikuyu ruling elite double crossed their own and kept the funds and the land. It is estimated this clique owns more than 500,000 acres of land. The resettlement of the Kikuyu that was done was token and also done in the Rift Valley without involvement of the locals thus resentment and animosity against the 'invaders'. The resettled Kikuyu just need land and a place to call home. The South Africans see the foreigners in the same light as the indigenous populations of the Rift Valley. The front line country populations were viewed as willing labor in South Africa their motivation only being economic. Being foreigners they kept a low profile did not actively or rather vocally engage in the struggle. After the liberation nothing seemed to change and thus the instead of the politicians paying the price for peddling 'hope' the convenient scapegoats find themselves in the line of fire.

Unfortunately the guilty politician goes free and uses the unfortunate circumstance to gain political mileage.

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Paza Sauti

The Kenyan and South African Violence

Posted: August 23rd, 2008, 9:51pm CDT